Rehabbing Ronnie Raygun’s Reputation

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The only Vile Prog that doesn’t despise Ronald Reagan is Barack Obama, and he wants to emulate him. I originally voted for The Gipper back in 1980, but he also has a lot to do with me becoming a liberal Democrat.

But truth does not have an ideology.

That’s why I feel the need to correct a common myth about old Ronnie:

Wasn’t it then governor Reagan that opened the doors of California’s nut houses after watching One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest?


Au contraire mon frère.

HOW RELEASE OF MENTAL PATIENTS BEGAN

THE policy that led to the release of most of the nation’s mentally ill patients from the hospital to the community is now widely regarded as a major failure. Sweeping critiques of the policy, notably the recent report of the American Psychiatric Association, have spread the blame everywhere, faulting politicians, civil libertarian lawyers and psychiatrists.

[...]

A detailed picture has emerged from a series of interviews and a review of public records, research reports and institutional recommendations. The picture is one of cost-conscious policy makers, who were quick to buy optimistic projections that were, in some instances, buttressed by misinformation and by a willingness to suspend skepticism.

Many of the psychiatrists involved as practitioners and policy makers in the 1950′s and 1960′s said in the interviews that heavy responsibility lay on a sometimes neglected aspect of the problem: the overreliance on drugs to do the work of society.

The records show that the politicians were dogged by the image and financial problems posed by the state hospitals and that the scientific and medical establishment sold Congress and the state legislatures a quick fix for a complicated problem that was bought sight unseen.

[...]

In California, for example, the number of patients in state mental hospitals reached a peak of 37,500 in 1959 when Edmund G. Brown was Governor, fell to 22,000 when Ronald Reagan attained that office in 1967, and continued to decline under his administration and that of his successor, Edmund G. Brown Jr. The senior Mr. Brown now expresses regret about the way the policy started and ultimately evolved. ”They’ve gone far, too far, in letting people out,” he said in an interview.

Dr. Robert H. Felix, who was then director of the National Institute of Mental Health and a major figure in the shift to community centers, says now on reflection: ”Many of those patients who left the state hospitals never should have done so. We psychiatrists saw too much of the old snake pit, saw too many people who shouldn’t have been there and we overreacted. The result is not what we intended, and perhaps we didn’t ask the questions that should have been asked when developing a new concept, but psychiatrists are human, too, and we tried our damnedest.”

Dr. John A. Talbott, president of the American Psychiatric Association, said, ”The psychiatrists involved in the policy making at that time certainly oversold community treatment, and our credibility today is probably damaged because of it.” He said the policies ”were based partly on wishful thinking, partly on the enormousness of the problem and the lack of a silver bullet to resolve it, then as now.”

The original policy changes were backed by scores of national professional and philanthropic organizations and several hundred people prominent in medicine, academia and politics. The belief then was widespread that the same scientific researchers who had conjured up antibiotics and vaccines during the outburst of medical discovery in the 50′s and 60′s had also developed penicillins to cure psychoses and thus revolutionize the treatment of the mentally ill.

And these leaders were prodded into action by a series of scientific studies in the 1950′s purporting to show that mental illness was far more prevalent than had previously been believed.

Finally, there was a growing economic and political liability faced by state legislators. Enormous amounts of tax revenues were being used to support the state mental hospitals, and the institutions themselves were increasingly thought of as ”snake pits” or facilities that few people wanted.

One of the most influential groups in bringing about the new national policy was the Joint Commission on Mental Illness and Health, an independent body set up by Congress in 1955. One of its two surviving members, Dr. M. Brewster Smith, a University of California psychologist who served as vice president, said the commission took the direction it did because of ”the sort of overselling that happens in almost every interchange between science and government.”

”Extravagant claims were made for the benefits of shifting from state hospitals to community clinics,” Dr. Smith said. ”The professional community made mistakes and was overly optimistic, but the political community wanted to save money.”


That article appeared in the New York times in October 1984. As you can see, the emptying out of California’s mental hospitals started under Democratic Governor Pat Brown and he was responsible for cutting the number of institutionalized mental patients nearly in half.

Reagan was governor of California from January 1967 until January 1975. One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest was released in November 1975. He had been out of office for 11 months when the movie came out.

Reagan did, however, sign the Lanterman–Petris–Short Act into law in 1967. That was a bipartisan bill that set the precedent for modern mental health commitment procedures in the United States. It was not anything that Reagan had proposed. Not to mention that in 1967 the Democrats ruled the statehouse in Sacramento under the leadership of the legendary Assembly Speaker Jesse “Big Daddy” Unruh. Reagan could veto legislation but he needed Democratic support to pass it.

But . . but . . but . . what about when he was president? Maybe that’s when he did it!

Mmmmmm, no.

By the time Reagan became president in 1981 the closing of the nation’s mental hospitals was pretty much complete. Besides, Reagan didn’t cut government spending, he increased it.

Ronnie Raygun did a lot of things, but putting the mentally ill on the streets wasn’t one of them. But it’s a nice story and it fits the Vile Prog narrative so it hangs around as an urban myth. It’s not true, but it has truthiness.

And ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free. – John 8:32


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Obama’s “bad negotiating” is Neither

Glenn Greewald has a good article out today on Obama’s “bad negotiating”. Glenn get’s it right, mostly. Of course we all know his blind side, like many liberal purists, that the Clinton’s are even worse than most in the GOP. But we’ll let that slide. Mostly. Read the whole thing, but I’ll pull out a few gems. He starts with a summary of extending the Bush tax cuts, continuing and extending wars, etc., etc., and then the recent willingness to accept GOP legislation to put the hardship on the backs of the poor:

All of that has led to a spate of negotiation advice from the liberal punditocracy advising the President how he can better defend progressive policy aims — as though the Obama White House deeply wishes for different results but just can’t figure out how to achieve them. Jon Chait, Josh Marshall, and Matt Yglesias all insist that the President is “losing” on these battles because of bad negotiating strategy, and will continue to lose unless it improves. Ezra Klein says “it makes absolutely no sense” that Democrats didn’t just raise the debt ceiling in December, when they had the majority and could have done it with no budget cuts. Once it became clear that the White House was not following their recommended action of demanding a “clean” vote on raising the debt ceiling — thus ensuring there will be another, probably larger round of budget cuts — Yglesias lamented that the White House had “flunked bargaining 101.” Their assumption is that Obama loathes these outcomes but is the victim of his own weak negotiating strategy.

I don’t understand that assumption at all. Does anyone believe that Obama and his army of veteran Washington advisers are incapable of discovering these tactics on their own or devising better strategies for trying to avoid these outcomes if that’s what they really wanted to do? What evidence is there that Obama has some inner, intense desire for more progressive outcomes? These are the results they’re getting because these are the results they want — for reasons that make perfectly rational political sense.

Exactly. Obama is doing all of this on purpose. He and his WH are not bad negotiators. Why so many Obama supporters are disappointed and are still scratching their heads over his “ineffectiveness” is still wondrous to behold. And why:

Why would Democrats overwhelmingly support domestic budget cuts that burden the poor? Because, as Yglesias correctly observed, “just about anything Barack Obama does will be met with approval by most Democrats.” In other words, once Obama lends his support to a policy — no matter how much of a departure it is from ostensible Democratic beliefs — then most self-identified Democrats will support it because Obama supports it, because it then becomes the “Democratic policy,” by definition. Adopting “centrist” or even right-wing policies will always produce the same combination — approval of independents, dilution of GOP anger, media raves, and continued Democratic voter loyalty — that is ideal for the President’s re-election prospects.

Exactly. Why would he do any different. It’s been the plan all along. He has make it clear to those of us that bothered to listen to him, that this is what he does. But then a bit later Glenn brings out the usual crutch for why 2008 didn’t matter:

Before Obama’s inauguration, I wrote that the most baffling thing to me about the enthusiasm of his hardest-core supporters was the belief that he was pioneering a “new form of politics” when, it seemed obvious, it was just a re-branded re-tread of Clintonian triangulation and the same “centrist”, scorn-the-base playbook Democratic politicians had used for decades.

Right Glenn, because the 90′s where so horrible under the Clinton’s when the gap between the rich and poor continued to widen just like under Reagan/Bush… oh wait, no it didn’t, it actually reversed. And there was a surplus. And more jobs. Yea, that was really horrible for the working class. We wouldn’t want any more of that. See, this is where even Glenn continues to fall short. He can’t come to grips with the fact that something really horrible happened in 2008, and that horrible thing was fully funded and backed by the sample people that brought us Reagan/Bush I/ Bush II, and the wars and many other things. If you can’t see a better, viable alternative right in front of your face, you will never get there. It’s the usual liberal purist thinking I guess. Glenn continues:

What amazes me most is the brazen claims of presidential impotence necessary to excuse all of this. Atrios has written for weeks about the “can’t do” spirit that has overtaken the country generally, but that mindset pervades how the President’s supporters depict both him and the powers of his office: no bad outcomes are ever his fault because he’s just powerless in the face of circumstance. That claim is being made now by pointing to a GOP Congress, but the same claim was made when there was a Democratic Congress as well: recall the disagreements I had with his most loyal supporters in 2009 and 2010 over their claims that he was basically powerless even to influence his own party’s policy-making in Congress.

Nicely said. Glenn does a nice bit of shredding of some of our least favorite bloggers and their silliness. He seems to think Digby is in the right side though. Another blindside for him I think. All in all a good read.

So there you have it. Glenn mostly gets it. And in fairness mostly has along the way. But how does that help? I know we’ve all been down in the dumps because it seems pretty hopeless out there with a Reagan/Bush president destroying what little is left of the Dem brand, and mindless creative class types cheering all the way. Maybe someone with some guts will challenge him in ’12. I’m not holding my breath though.

This is an open thread.

Homework Assignment


Reagan saw that ‘we are all patriots’
By Barack Obama

Ronald Wilson Reagan was a believer. As a husband, a father, an entertainer, a governor and a president, he recognized that each of us has the power — as individuals and as a nation — to shape our own destiny. He had faith in the American promise; in the importance of reaffirming values like hard work and personal responsibility; and in his own unique ability to inspire others to greatness.

No matter what political disagreements you may have had with President Reagan— and I certainly had my share — there is no denying his leadership in the world, or his gift for communicating his vision for America.

Okay campers, here is your assignment:

Find ANYWHERE in Barack Obama’s writings or speeches where he expressed disagreement with Ronald Reagan.

Here is what Obama had to say about Ronald Reagan back in January, 2008:

I don’t want to present myself as some sort of singular figure. I think part of what’s different are the times. I do think that for example the 1980 was different. I think Ronald Reagan changed the trajectory of America in a way that Richard Nixon did not and in a way that Bill Clinton did not. He put us on a fundamentally different path because the country was ready for it. I think they felt like with all the excesses of the 1960s and 1970s and government had grown and grown but there wasn’t much sense of accountability in terms of how it was operating. I think people, he just tapped into what people were already feeling, which was we want clarity we want optimism, we want a return to that sense of dynamism and entrepreneurship that had been missing.

The man was running for the Democratic nomination and he dissed the only Democratic president elected to two full terms since FDR in favor of Bonzo. The mind boggles.



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